Ouagadougou | January 30, 2026
Burkina Faso’s military government on Thursday formally dissolved all political parties, ending the country’s multiparty system more than three years after it was suspended following the 2022 coup.
A decree approved on 29 January 2026 abolishes the entire legal framework governing Burkina Faso political parties and transfers their assets to the state, marking one of the most sweeping political resets since the military seized power.
Interior Minister Emile Zerbo said the decision followed an internal government review which concluded that political parties had “deviated from their founding ideals.” Before the coup, Burkina Faso had more than 100 registered parties, including 15 represented in parliament. Authorities argue that this proliferation deepened political fragmentation and weakened social cohesion rather than advancing the public interest.
The dissolution is presented by the government as part of a broader effort to “re-found” the Burkinabè state. Officials say new draft laws regulating future political formations will be submitted to the transitional legislature, though no timeline has been announced. In clear terms, the move further consolidates authority under the military administration led by President Ibrahim Traoré, which has ruled since taking power in 2022.
Despite the scale of the political rupture, some Burkinabè citizens, particularly those expressing views on social media, appear willing to accept the end of multiparty politics in exchange for what they describe as tangible development gains. Supporters frequently cite infrastructure projects such as the Pâ Dam, which has reportedly brought more than 70 hectares of farmland under irrigation using solar-powered pumping systems. Others point to the planned launch of sub-Saharan Africa’s first electric vehicle assembly plant, funded with nearly 4 billion FCFA from domestic sources.
Online commentators, mostly Burkinabè, attribute a range of economic improvements to the military government, claiming that GDP rose from $18.8 billion to $22.1 billion within two years, domestic debt has been cleared, and agricultural output has increased significantly. Some of the figures they shared include tomato production rising from 315,000 tonnes in 2022 to 360,000 tonnes in 2024, and rice output increasing from 280,000 to 326,000 tonnes over the same period. The government’s decision to ban raw gold exports in favour of domestic refining is similarly framed by supporters as a reclaiming of national sovereignty over natural resources.
“Development is visible. Living standards are improving,” one social media user wrote. “If firm, constructive dictatorship works for Burkinabè, let it be.” Another praised what they described as the government’s vision, linking political determination to economic progress. Even UNICEF Burkina Faso has acknowledged that its programmes are now aligned with government priorities.
The dominant tone among these voices is one of pragmatic nationalism, a belief that centralised authority, unencumbered by partisan competition, can deliver infrastructure, food security, and economic stability more effectively than the fragmented democratic system that existed before the coup. One Pan-African commentator argued that “the true greatness of a country is not measured by its conflicts or critics, but by the silent work of those building its future.”
Whether these views reflect broad public sentiment remains difficult to determine. In a political environment where dissent has become increasingly risky and party activity has been frozen for more than three years, critical perspectives are largely absent from open public discourse.
What is clear is that Burkina Faso is deliberately charting a path away from conventional democratic governance, betting that visible development and economic self-reliance can substitute for political pluralism. The dissolution of political parties is not only a legal turning point, but a symbolic one, signalling that, for now, the military leadership views political contestation less as a democratic asset than as an obstacle to its vision of national renewal.
